WASHINGTON: PM Modi was losing patience with US President Trump, whom he had once called "a true friend".
Trump had been saying repeatedly that he had "solved" the military conflict between India and Pakistan, a dispute that dates back more than 75 years and is far deeper and more complicated than Trump was making it out to be.
During a phone call on June 17, Trump brought it up again, saying how proud he was of ending the military escalation. He mentioned that Pakistan was going to nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize. The not-so-subtle implication, according to people familiar with the call, was that Modi should do the same.
The PM bristled. He told Trump US involvement had nothing to do with the recent ceasefire. It had been settled directly between India and Pakistan.
Trump largely brushed off Modi's comments, but the disagreement - and Modi's refusal to engage on the Nobel - has played an outsized role in the souring relationship between the two leaders.
'What Trump wants most from Modi is a political non-starter'
The dispute has played out against the backdrop of trade talks of immense importance to India and the US, and the fallout risks pushing New Delhi closer to Beijing and Moscow. Modi, who is in China for the SCO summit, will meet President Xi Jinping Sunday and Russia's Vladimir Putin Monday.
This article is based on interviews with more than a dozen people in Washington and New Delhi, most of whom spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss a relationship that has far-reaching implications for both sides.
Just weeks after the June phone call, with trade talks dragging on, Trump startled India by announcing 25% tariff on imports from the country. Then, he slapped an additional 25% tariff as penalty for buying Russian oil, adding up to a crushing 50%. After telling Modi that he would travel to India later this year for the Quad summit, Trump no longer has plans to visit in the fall, according to people familiar with the president's schedule.
The two men have not spoken since the June 17 phone call. During Trump's first term, the PM attended the large "Howdy Modi!" rally of the Indian diaspora in Texas. Months later, the American president visited Modi's home state of Gujarat for an event branded "Namaste Trump!"
But what Trump wants most from Modi - acknowledging that Trump had a role in the ceasefire with Pakistan, let alone nominating him for a Nobel for it - is a political nonstarter. India has steadfastly denied that Trump had any role to play. For Pakistan, which has found itself in Trump's good graces recently, the decision to nominate him for the prize came quickly.
After the June call with Trump, Indian officials put out a statement saying Modi had "firmly stated that India does not and will never accept mediation" and that "President Trump listened carefully" and "expressed his support toward India's fight against terrorism". The White House did not acknowledge the call, nor did Trump post about it on his social media accounts. And yet, four days after he spoke with Modi, Trump mentioned the issue again when he announced a peace deal between Congo and Rwanda.
Trump says the tariffs on India are punishment for buying Russian oil and for the protectionist nature of the Indian market. But to many officials and observers, the colossal penalties on India in particular appear to be punishment for not falling in line rather than any kind of cohesive effort to reduce the trade deficit or cut off funding for Putin's war. They point out that China, the biggest importer of Russian crude, has been spared.
"If this was a real change in policy in trying to squeeze Russia, Trump could have put his weight behind legislation that would have imposed secondary sanctions on countries that buy Russian hydrocarbons," said Richard M Rossow, the chair on India at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. "The fact that they have uniquely targeted India says this is about more than just Russia."Another point of tension has been the power of the anti-immigrant sentiments within Trump's base. In the rift among Trump's supporters over H-1B visas, much of the attention has been directed at Indians, who make up the largest holders of such visas. Trump's crackdown on student visas took the country by surprise. Planeloads of deportees in shackles and handcuffs arrived in India in February, causing an uproar just as Modi was departing for a trip to Washington.
But at a friendly news conference during the visit, there were signs the two sides could still find a way forward, with India buying billions of dollars more of American oil and gas.
Trump had been saying repeatedly that he had "solved" the military conflict between India and Pakistan, a dispute that dates back more than 75 years and is far deeper and more complicated than Trump was making it out to be.
During a phone call on June 17, Trump brought it up again, saying how proud he was of ending the military escalation. He mentioned that Pakistan was going to nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize. The not-so-subtle implication, according to people familiar with the call, was that Modi should do the same.
The PM bristled. He told Trump US involvement had nothing to do with the recent ceasefire. It had been settled directly between India and Pakistan.
Trump largely brushed off Modi's comments, but the disagreement - and Modi's refusal to engage on the Nobel - has played an outsized role in the souring relationship between the two leaders.
'What Trump wants most from Modi is a political non-starter'
The dispute has played out against the backdrop of trade talks of immense importance to India and the US, and the fallout risks pushing New Delhi closer to Beijing and Moscow. Modi, who is in China for the SCO summit, will meet President Xi Jinping Sunday and Russia's Vladimir Putin Monday.
This article is based on interviews with more than a dozen people in Washington and New Delhi, most of whom spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss a relationship that has far-reaching implications for both sides.
Just weeks after the June phone call, with trade talks dragging on, Trump startled India by announcing 25% tariff on imports from the country. Then, he slapped an additional 25% tariff as penalty for buying Russian oil, adding up to a crushing 50%. After telling Modi that he would travel to India later this year for the Quad summit, Trump no longer has plans to visit in the fall, according to people familiar with the president's schedule.
The two men have not spoken since the June 17 phone call. During Trump's first term, the PM attended the large "Howdy Modi!" rally of the Indian diaspora in Texas. Months later, the American president visited Modi's home state of Gujarat for an event branded "Namaste Trump!"
But what Trump wants most from Modi - acknowledging that Trump had a role in the ceasefire with Pakistan, let alone nominating him for a Nobel for it - is a political nonstarter. India has steadfastly denied that Trump had any role to play. For Pakistan, which has found itself in Trump's good graces recently, the decision to nominate him for the prize came quickly.
After the June call with Trump, Indian officials put out a statement saying Modi had "firmly stated that India does not and will never accept mediation" and that "President Trump listened carefully" and "expressed his support toward India's fight against terrorism". The White House did not acknowledge the call, nor did Trump post about it on his social media accounts. And yet, four days after he spoke with Modi, Trump mentioned the issue again when he announced a peace deal between Congo and Rwanda.
Trump says the tariffs on India are punishment for buying Russian oil and for the protectionist nature of the Indian market. But to many officials and observers, the colossal penalties on India in particular appear to be punishment for not falling in line rather than any kind of cohesive effort to reduce the trade deficit or cut off funding for Putin's war. They point out that China, the biggest importer of Russian crude, has been spared.
"If this was a real change in policy in trying to squeeze Russia, Trump could have put his weight behind legislation that would have imposed secondary sanctions on countries that buy Russian hydrocarbons," said Richard M Rossow, the chair on India at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. "The fact that they have uniquely targeted India says this is about more than just Russia."Another point of tension has been the power of the anti-immigrant sentiments within Trump's base. In the rift among Trump's supporters over H-1B visas, much of the attention has been directed at Indians, who make up the largest holders of such visas. Trump's crackdown on student visas took the country by surprise. Planeloads of deportees in shackles and handcuffs arrived in India in February, causing an uproar just as Modi was departing for a trip to Washington.
But at a friendly news conference during the visit, there were signs the two sides could still find a way forward, with India buying billions of dollars more of American oil and gas.
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